毋寧死是漢語辭彙，指為爭取獨立而進行的鬥爭。
基本介紹
- 中文名：毋寧死
- 外文名：Live Free or Die
- 發音： wú nìng sǐ
- 來源：清·梁啓超《新中國未來記》
- 意義：為爭取獨立而進行的鬥爭
發音,示例,相關資料,
發音
詞目：不自由，毋寧死(無自由，毋寧死)
發音 bú zì yóu，wú nìng sǐ
示例
哥哥豈不聞歐美人嘴唇皮掛著的話說道：“～”，……（清·梁啓超《新中國未來記》第三回） 不自由，毋寧死
在維吉尼亞州議會上的演講
（美國）亨利1775年3月23日
主席先生：
沒有人比我更欽佩剛剛在會議上發言的先生們的愛國精神與見識才能。但是，人們常常從不同的角度來觀察同一事物。因此，儘管我的觀點與他們截然不同，我還是要毫無顧忌、毫無保留地講出自己的觀點，並希望不要因此而被認為是對先生們的不敬。此時不是講客氣話的時候，擺在各位代表面前的是國家存亡的大問題，我認為，這是關係到享受自由還是蒙受奴役的大問題。鑒於它事關重大，我們的辯論應該允許各抒己見。只有這樣，我們才有可能搞清事物的真相，才有可能不辱於上帝和祖國所賦予我們的偉大使命。在這種時刻，如果怕冒犯各位的尊嚴而緘口不語，我將認為自己是對祖國的背叛和對此世界上任何國君都更為神聖的上帝的不忠。
主席先生，沉湎於希望的幻覺是人的天性。我們有閉目不願正視痛苦現實的傾向，有傾聽女海妖的惑人歌聲的傾向，可那是能將人化為禽獸的惑人的歌聲。這難道是在這場為獲得自由而從事的艱苦卓絕的鬥爭中，一個聰明人所應持的態度嗎?難道我們願意做那種對這關係到是否蒙受奴役的大問題視而不見充耳不聞的人嗎?就我個人而論，無論在精神上承受任何痛苦，我也願意知道真理，知道最壞的情況，並為之做好一切準備。
我只有一盞指路明燈，那就是經驗之燈，除了以往的經驗以外，我不知道還有什麼更好的方法來判斷未來。而即要以過去的經驗為依據，我倒希望知道，10年來英國政府的所作所為中有哪一點足以證明先生們用以欣然安慰自己及各位代表的和平希望呢?難道就是最近接受我們請願時所流露出的陰險微笑嗎?不要相信它，先生，那是在您腳下挖的陷阱。不要讓人家的親吻把您給出賣了。請諸位自問，接受我們請願時的和善微笑與這如此大規模的海、陸戰爭準備是否相稱。難道艦艇和軍隊是對我們的愛護和戰爭調停的必要手段嗎?難道為了解決爭端，贏得自己的愛而訴諸武力，我們就應該表現出如此的不情願嗎?我們不要自己欺騙自己了，先生，這些都是戰爭和征服的工具，是國君採取的最後爭執手段。主席先生，我要向主張和解的先生請教，這些戰爭部署究竟意味著什麼?如果說其目的不在於迫使我們屈服的話，那么哪位先生能指出其動機所在?在我們這塊土地上，還有哪些對手值得大不列顛徵集如此規模的海陸軍隊嗎?不，先生，沒有其他對手了。一切都是針對我們而來，而不是針對別人。英國政府如此長久地鍛造出的鎖鏈要來桎梏我們了，我們該何以抵抗?還要靠辯論嗎?先生，我們已經辯論10年了，可辯論出什麼更好的抵禦措施了嗎?沒有。我們已從各種角度考慮過了，但一切均是枉然。難道我們還要求救於哀告與祈求嗎?難道我們還有什麼更好方法未被採用嗎?勿需尋找了，先生，我懇求您，千萬不要自己欺騙自己了。我們已經做了應該做的一切，來阻止這場即已來臨的戰爭風暴。我們請願過了，我們抗議過了，我們哀求過了，我們也曾拜倒在英國王的寶座下，懇求他出面干預，制裁國會和內閣中的殘暴者。可我們的請願受到輕侮，我們的抗議招致了新的暴力，我們的哀求被人家置之不理，我們被人家輕蔑地一腳從御座前踢開了。事到如今，我們再也不能沉迷於虛無縹緲的和平希望之中了。希望已不能存在!假如我們想得到自由，並拯救我們為之長期奮鬥的珍貴權力的話；假如我們不願徹底放棄我們長期所從事的，曾經發誓不取得最後的勝利而決不放棄的光榮鬥爭的話，那么，我們必須戰鬥!我再重複一遍，必須戰鬥!我們的唯一出路只有訴諸武力，求助於戰爭之神。
主席先生，他們說我們的力量太單薄了，不能與如此強大兇猛的敵人抗衡。但是，我們何時才能強大起來呢?是下周?還是明年?還是等到我們完全被繳械，家家戶戶都駐守著英國士兵的時候呢?難道我們就這樣仰面高臥，緊抱著那虛無縹緲的和平幻覺不放，直到敵人把我們的手腳都束縛起來的時候，才能獲得有效的防禦手段嗎?先生們，如果我們能妥善利用自然之神賜予我們的有利條件，我們就不弱小。如果我們三百萬人民在自己的國土上，為神聖的自由事業而武裝起來，那么任何敵人都是無法戰勝我們的。此外，先生們，我們並非孤軍作戰，主宰各民族命運的正義之神，會號召朋友們為我們而戰。先生們，戰爭的勝負不僅僅取決於力量的強弱，勝利永遠屬於那些機警的、主動的、勇敢的人們。況且，我們已沒有選擇餘地了。即使我們那樣沒有骨氣，想退出這場戰爭，也為時晚矣!我們已毫無退路，除非甘願受屈辱和奴役!囚禁我們的鎖鏈已經鑄就，波士頓草原上已經響起鐐銬的叮噹響聲。戰爭已不可避免--那么就讓它來吧!我再重複一遍，就讓它來吧!
迴避現實是毫無用處的。先生們會高喊：和平!和平!但和平安在?實際上，戰爭已經開始，從北方刮來的大風都會將武器的鏗鏘迴響送進我們的耳鼓。我們的同胞已身在疆場了，我們為什麼還要站在這袖手旁觀呢?先生們希望的是什麼?想要達到什麼目的?生命就那么可貴?和平就那么甜美!甚至不惜以戴鎖鏈、受奴役的代價來換取嗎?全能的上帝啊，阻止這一切吧!在這場鬥爭中，我不知道別人會如何行事，至於我，不自由，毋寧死!
亨利演講辭的英文版
Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death
Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775.
No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!
相關資料
人物
派屈克·亨利(Patrick Henry,1736～1799),蘇格蘭裔美國人。他生於維吉尼亞，是維吉尼亞殖民地最成功的律師之一，以機敏和演說技巧而著稱。他是獨立戰爭時期的自由主義者，美國革命時期傑出的政治家、演說家，被稱為“美國革命之舌”。他是著名的《獨立宣言》的主要執筆者之一，曾任維吉尼亞州州長，深受愛戴，被譽為“維吉尼亞之父”。在反英鬥爭中發表過許多著名演說。被普遍傳誦的警句“不自由，毋寧死”就出自他的演說。
歷史背景
18世紀中葉，北美要求獨立的呼聲越來越高，面對這種情況，英國政府軟硬兼施，採用各種手段，力圖維持它與北美殖民地的宗主國關係。殖民地某些人由於在利益上與英國有聯繫，主張效忠英國；有些人對未來誰來統治他們漠不關心，他們願意向任何一方出售商品，誰給的價錢高就賣給誰。還有些人對於反抗英國感到悲觀，極力主張和解。在種種壓力下，北美殖民地獨立的步伐始終是"慢慢吞吞、勉勉強強"的。第一屆大陸會議隻字未提獨立問題，進入70年代，萊剋星頓已經打響了獨立的第一槍，獨立已擺到了議事日程上，成為人們談論的熱點問題，然而各種意見仍然爭執不休，不能統一。
60年代，亨利就在維吉尼亞州議會上提出了一系列決議，堅決反對英國向殖民地人民徵收印花稅。在獨立問題上，亨利更是個激進派。他主張北美殖民地不惜以自己的生命和鮮血來換取獨立，擺脫對英國的依附關係。1774年3月23日，他在維吉尼亞州議會上發表了這篇演講。
亨利的主張明確，態度堅決，立場十分鮮明，這已為社會所知。然而這篇演講是在議會上發表的，議會是宣傳自己主張的講壇，也是政治鬥爭的場所。要使自己的主張能為眾人接受，爭取各方面的理解和支持，就要講究策略。所以演講一開始，亨利並未用激烈的語調，義正辭嚴的態度，令其演講的內容充滿劍拔弩張的火藥味。而是採用委婉的態度，舒緩的語調，首先肯定了在他之前發言的幾位議員的良善用心。然後婉轉地道出自己的主張與上面幾位議員有所不同，避免驚人之舉。演說開始這種求同存異的做法，表現了亨利的政治智慧，也為下面的發言爭取眾多的擁護者打下了基礎。
在議員中，主張效忠英國的人雖有，但只是少數。對這極少數人，要靠言詞來打動他們，使他們轉變立場，幾乎是不可能的。相比之下，主張與英國妥協、避免武力衝突的議員較多，這部分議員是爭取的對象。他們主張和解，反對戰爭的理由主要有兩點：一是對英國抱有各種各樣的幻想；二是認為英國武力強大，自己勢單力薄，萬一戰爭爆發，後果不堪構想。對此，亨利看得很清楚，他的演講就是針對著保守派和溫和分子的，因而演說在內容上緊緊扣住上述兩點，一步步詳細闡述，一段段逐層批駁，最後歸引到結論上來："唯一的出路只有訴諸武力，求助於戰爭之神。"演說內容的安排，體現了亨利的政治策略，也說明了一篇演說的結構，要受到演講者追求的政治目的的制約。
評論
這篇演講開始時語調舒緩，但隨著演講的進行，調子越來越堅決，言辭越來越峻急，態度越來越激烈。從修辭角度看，這與大量使用排比、反問、感嘆、長短句交錯等表達手法有密切關係，同時也與使用精煉而富有鼓動性的名言警句分不開，尤其是演講的最後一句話，"不自由，毋寧死"，氣勢磅礴，鏗鏘有力，把演講推向了高潮，給聽眾深刻的印象。這一警句當時不脛而走，深深鼓舞了人們為爭取獨立而進行的鬥爭，而且兩百年來家喻戶曉，一直為人們所傳頌。
