馬克思公民思想研究

馬克思的全部著作中,直接提到公民概念、專門闡述公民思想的篇章不是很多。然而,作為全面繼承了人類優秀文化遺產並做出了重大理論創新的“千年思想家”,作為終生致力於人類解放事業的無產階級革命導師,馬克思在深刻批判資產階級的道德和正義原則及其“自由、平等、博愛”精神的同時,精闢地闡述了無產階級公民權及其核心價值——自由、平等、民主、法治和公平正義理念,從而形成了他的極其豐富的公民思想。

基本介紹

  • 中文名:馬克思公民思想研究
  • 類別:研究
  • 類型:公民思想
  • 提出人:馬克思
中文摘要,外文摘要,

中文摘要

思想的意義
馬克思的全部著作中,直接提到公民概念、專門闡述公民思想的篇章不是很多。然而,作為全面繼承了人類優秀文化遺產並做出了重大理論創新的“千年思想家”,作為終生致力於人類解放事業的無產階級革命導師,馬克思在深刻批判資產階級的道德和正義原則及其“自由、平等、博愛”精神的同時,精闢地闡述了無產階級公民權及其核心價值——自由、平等、民主、法治和公平正義理念,從而形成了他的極其豐富的公民思想。
思想的特徵
正像黑格爾的哲學是馬克思哲學的重要來源一樣,黑格爾的市民社會理論也是馬克思的公民概念的母體或直接淵源。在市民社會與國家的關係問題上,黑格爾將國家神秘化、絕對化,認為國家先於市民社會,從而“人只有在國家中始有其本質”。與此相反,馬克思的唯物史觀認為,市民社會決定國家,“國家是從作為家庭的成員和市民社會的成員而存在的這種群體中產生的”,由此闡明了國家的物質基礎,進而實現了公民思想史上的革命性變革。概括地說,馬克思創立的以唯物史觀和辯證法為其哲學基礎的公民觀,看到公民身份的抽象性與物質性的統一、政治性與社會性的統一,也看到了公民身份與階級地位的內在張力,看到了公民的權利和義務的辯證統一。他特彆強調:“一個人有責任不僅為自己本人,而且為每一個履行自己義務的人要求人權和公民權。沒有無義務的權利,也沒有無權利的義務。”
馬克思公民思想的樞軸
國家與公民“心血相通”的關係是馬克思公民思想的樞軸。一個國家如何對待公民,在公民的權利和義務、國家的法治和正義等問題上如何進行制度設計,是馬克思公民思想的切入點。馬克思認為國家是公民相互教育的聯合體:“國家的真正的‘公共教育’就在於國家的合乎理性的公共的存在。國家本身教育自己成員的辦法是:使他們成為國家的成員;把個人的目的變成普遍的目的.把粗野的本能變成合乎道德的意向,把天然的獨立性變成精神的自由;使個人以整體的生活為樂事,整體則以個人的信念為樂事。”馬克思理想中的法治國家應該是人道主義和正義的,而脫離了正義、脫離了對底層社會利益訴求的呼應與保障的法治只是赤裸裸的專制。現實的人,既是作為國家公民而存在,享受國家賦予的權利,承擔法定的義務,同時也是作為一個社會人的存在,有自己的私權、私人領域和私人空間,有著不為國家權力所非法侵犯的領域。
核心概念是自由
馬克思的公民或公民權思想的核心概念是自由,而自由是馬克思一生的奮鬥目標。通過自身的革命實踐,馬克思豐富和發展了黑格爾的自由學說,從思想自由、新聞出版自由到政治自由、經濟自由、文化自由,馬克思均以唯物史觀為根本方針,對這些自由形式對國家公民的價值和意義進行了獨到的闡釋,構成了馬克思公民思想的核心內容。馬克思寫道:“自由確實是人的本質,因此就連自由的反對者在反對自由的現實的同時也實現著自由。”他號召無產階級在現代國家的法治背景下,努力爭取實現結社自由、新聞出版自由和自由普選權。真正的法治國家既要積極創造條件,保障和實現公民的自由訴求,同時對公民自由進行積極引導,保持社會秩序與公民自由訴求的平衡。
馬克思的自由觀同他的異化學說密切相關。要實現人的自由本質,首先要消滅資本主義條件下的異化勞動。在馬克思的理想社會裡,人類的勞動恢復了自由自覺的特性,整個社會就成了“自由人的聯合體"。馬克思的自由觀邏輯地包含了對平等價值的追求,因為“平等是人在實踐領域中對自身的意識,也就是人意識到別人是和自己平等的人,人把別人當作和自己平等的人來對待”。
馬克思的自由和平等思想既繼承了啟蒙運動的思想遺產,同時又建立在唯物史觀的科學分析和對資本主義批判的基礎之上。他一方面承認資本主義促進人的自由平等的歷史作用,另一方面又大力抨擊資本主義私有制對人人自由平等的阻遏作用。所謂平等,其核心要求是公民的權利和義務的平等。在馬克思看來,無產階級爭取自身的平等權利要從生產方式和經濟結構以及受其制約的社會文化發展的歷史階段出發,因為“權利決不能超出社會的經濟結構以及由經濟結構制約的社會的文化發展”。
作為無產階級公民權的核心價值之一的民主,是保障自由、平等等各項公民權利得以實現的最佳社會制度,其本身又是一項基本的公民權利。“崇尚民主,反對專制”,是馬克思公民思想的本質特徵。馬克思之所以終其一生猛烈批判一切政治專制和思想專制,就在於他洞悉專制主義對人的自由全面發展所造成的深層次鉗制與扼殺。因此,“工人革命的第一步就是使無產階級上升為統治階級,爭得民主”。此外,在馬克思所主張的民主制度中,“不是人為法律而存在,而是法律為人而存在;在這裡,法律是人的存在,而在其他國家形式中,人是法定的存在。”在馬克思的公民思想中,民主與法治,實在是自由與平等的兩尊保護神,直至國家消亡和公民身份消亡,即實現人類解放的自由人的“聯合體”,“在那裡,每個人的自由發展是一切人的自由發展的條件”。馬克思的這一社會理想的實現,必然意味著現代國家必須建構人的公民身份,保障公民權利,通過民主法治的路徑,不斷提升人的自由度和平等度,從而走向人類解放。
馬克思深刻認識到各國有自己的發展道路,有自己的傳統積澱,有自身的現實矛盾和發展戰略,不存在放之四海而皆準的發展模式。正是各國社會發展的複雜性、豐富性、多樣性和差異性,決定了國家消亡和公民身份消亡的長期性和艱難性。馬克思身後的歷史進程表明,人類正日益深刻地認識到現代國家的公民文化建設對於社會發展和民族發展的關鍵作用。
對馬克思公民思想的上述研究表明:馬克思主義不存在“公民的空場”。長期以來,馬克思的公民思想被我們遮蔽了。我們需要還原馬克思公民思想的原貌,展開馬克思公民思想與自由主義的、社群主義的和共和主義的公民觀流派的理論對話,從而擴大馬克思主義公民觀的影響力;只有釐清馬克思本人對公民問題的解讀,才談得上運用馬克思主義的立場和方法去解決當代公民問題。馬克思的市民社會理論受到我國學者的普遍關注,但我們不能停留於此,還要由此出發深入挖掘馬克思的公民思想,以利於拓展對馬克思主義的科學把握。只有如此,才能澄清學術界關於馬克思公民思想的模糊認識。這對於確立和普及馬克思主義公民觀,推進當代中國的社會主義公民文化建設和公民教育,具有不言而喻的理論意義與實踐意義。
關鍵字:馬克思;公民;自由;平等;民主;無產階級公民權

外文摘要

In letter, it''s rare that Marx mentions the notion of citizen and argues any systematic theory of citizen in details in all of his works. However, in spirit, he, as the heritor of human culture and the great thinker in the last millennium, who devoted himself to the emancipation of human being, has illuminated the proletarian citizenship and its crucial value---freedom, equality, democracy, rule of law and justice---and thus formulated his excellent theory of citizen, while criticizing both t...>> 詳細
In letter, it''s rare that Marx mentions the notion of citizen and argues any systematic theory of citizen in details in all of his works. However, in spirit, he, as the heritor of human culture and the great thinker in the last millennium, who devoted himself to the emancipation of human being, has illuminated the proletarian citizenship and its crucial value---freedom, equality, democracy, rule of law and justice---and thus formulated his excellent theory of citizen, while criticizing both the bourgeois principles of morality and justice and its slogan as freedom, equality and philanthropy.
Just as the case that Marx''s philosophy originated from the Hegelian philosophy, his theory of citizen came from Hegel''s theory of civil society. But they had obvious difference at this point. As we know, in his absolutization and mystification of state, Hegel claimed that state has the priority to civil society. On the contrary, according to Marx''s historical materialism, civil society determines state. Thus Marx illuminates the materialistic base for state, and launches a revolution in theories of citizen. Generally speaking, Marx''s theory of citizen being based on the philosophy of historical materialism and dialectics, claims not only the unification of citizenship''s abstraction and materiality, and that of its political nature and sociality, but also the dialectical unification of citizen rights and duties.
The intimate relationship between state and citizen is the core of Marx''s theory of citizen. It is the starting point for Marx that how state treats its citizen and how to design the rule on citizen''s rights and duties, law and justice. In Marx''s view, state is the union of the inter-educating citizens. The lawful state in Marx''s ideal should not be tyranny which disregards the interests of low classes and thus deviates from just, but be humane and just. According to Marx, the realistic human being should exist both as a citizen who has rights and duties and as social being who has his own private privileges not be disturbed by state power.
Freedom is one of the crucial points in Marx''s theory of citizen. Marx is concerned with freedom in all of his life. He develops Hegel''s theory of freedom with his own practice in revolution. Marx analyzes various freedoms such as freedom of thought, publishing, politics, economy, culture and so on, with the method of historical materialism. And the demonstration of the significance of such freedoms on citizen consists of the core of Marx''s theory of citizen. He calls for the proletarian to realize the freedoms of forming an association, freely publishing and universal suffrage in modern state. In Marx''s eyes, a real lawful state must create positive conditions not only to guarantee and guide citizen''s freedom but also to keep a suitable tension between social order and human freedom. Marx''s theory of freedom is relevant to his theory of alienation. In order to realize the essence of human freedom, it''s first of all to abolish the capitalist alienated labor. In Marx''s ideal society, or communist society, human labor realizes the feature of free activity, and the whole society becomes the union of free individuals. Logically, Marx''s theory of freedom contains the appeal to equality, because equality is the self-consciousness, and to be conscious of his own equality with others. Marx''s theory of freedom and equality has inherited such three kinds of thoughts as the enlightenment, the scientific synthesis of historical materialism, and the critique of capitalism. On one side, he admits the historical role of capitalism in advancing human being''s freedom. On the other side he criticizes the impedance of capitalist private ownership on the realization of human freedom and equality. Equality crucially demands the tension or balance of citizen rights and duties. For Marx, the proletarian can''t get rid of its historical conditions, namely the methods of production, economic structure and social culture, when pursuing this class''s right of equality. Because such rights can''t go beyond these historical contexts.
Democracy, as one of the elementary values of citizenship, is both the best social design to guarantee such citizen rights as freedom and equality, and one of the basic citizen rights. To advocate democracy and to oppose dictatorship are the essential characteristics of Marx''s theory of citizen. The reason for Marx''s fiercely attacking political dictatorship and ideology is just that he has fully observed the deep impedance of dictatorship on human all-around development. Therefore, in Marx''s eyes, the first step for working class in revolution is to ascend to the ruling class and to gain democracy. In Marx''s theory of citizen, democracy and rule of law is actually the two gods of equality and freedom until the withering away of state and citizenship, namely the realization of the union of free individuals. Marx''s such social ideal means that in order to realize the human emancipation, it''s necessary for the modern state to construct citizenship, to guarantee citizen rights and to improve human freedom and equality through the approach of democracy and law.
Marx deeply knows that since each state has its own way of development, its own tradition, its own contradictions of modern life and its own development strategy, it''s impossible to have only one model which is suitable for every state everywhere. It''s just the complexity and divergence which determines the protracted and difficult nature of the withering away of state and citizenship. The history after Marx shows that human beings are more and more realizing the crucial role of the culture of citizenship on social and national development in modern states.
From the above, some conclusions can be given as followings. Firstly, there is no absence of a theory of citizen in Marxism. For a long period, Marx''s theory of citizen has been overshadowed. We must recover Marx''s theory of citizen, and expand its influence in the discussion with other currencies like liberalism, communalism and republicanism. Secondly, provided that Marx''s theory of citizen is clarified, the problem of contemporary citizenship can be solved with Marxian methodology. Marx''s theory of civil society has ever been advocated by Chinese scholars, but that''s not enough. In order to have a better understanding on Marxism, we must go further and illuminate Marx''s theory of citizen.
It''s no doubt that to explore Marx''s theory of citizen and to clarify some obscurities on it are significant in theory and practice for establishing and popularizing Marxian view of citizen and for propelling both Chinese socialist citizen cultural construction and citizen education.
Key words: Marx; citizen; freedom; equality; democracy; proletarian citizenship

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